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題名 | Licensing Ellipsis=對省略的允許 |
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作 者 | Johnson, Kyle; | 書刊名 | 中國語文研究 |
卷期 | 34:2 2013.08[民102.08] |
頁次 | 頁71-97 |
分類號 | 802.6 |
關鍵詞 | 多重支配; 合成句; 短語結構; 問句; 截省; 非連續依靠; 線性化; 省略; Multidominant; Amalgams; Phrase structure; Questions; Sluicing; Discontinuous dependencies; Linearization; Ellipsis; |
語文 | 英文(English) |
中文摘要 | 本文在Marlies Kluck和Maximiliano Guimarães著述的基礎上,對“Andrews合成句”作出分析,指出兩個獨立句子共有同一子句,由此結合成“Andrews合成句”,所謂“共有”子句,是指短語標記中的一個短語有兩個上一級成份,即一個短語獲予兩個母節點。“Andrews合成句”通過“截省”得以允許:只有在共有的子句能被截省的情況下,這種合成句才能出現。從以上論述可見,省略時雖常見以先行語作為條件,但先行語條件並不總是允許省略。 |
英文摘要 | This paper provides an analysis of Andrews amalgams that builds on work by Marlies Kluck and Maximiliano Guimarães. It argues that Andrews amalgams involve bringing two independent sentences together by sharing a clause, where “sharing” is modeled by giving a phrase two mothers in a phrase marker. Andrews amalgams are licensed by Sluicing: they occur only when the shared clause can be sluiced. This, it is argued, shows us that the licensing conditions on ellipsis do not necessarily invoke the antecedence conditions usually attendant with ellipsis. |
本系統之摘要資訊系依該期刊論文摘要之資訊為主。