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題 名 | 漢語動詞「吃」從行動到遭受的語意延伸--兼論辭彙化分類=From Active Voice "Eating" to Passive Voice "Suffering"--The Semantic Change of Verb Chi in Chinese |
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作 者 | 陳菘霖; | 書刊名 | 華語文教學研究 |
卷 期 | 9:1 2012.03[民101.03] |
頁 次 | 頁51-72 |
分類號 | 802.632 |
關鍵詞 | 論元結構; 語意角色; 辭彙化; 動態語法; Argument structure; Semantic role; Lexicalization; Emergent grammar; |
語 文 | 中文(Chinese) |
中文摘要 | 依據論元結構(Argument structure)而論,動詞「吃」需指派兩個論元〔agent, theme〕分別作為主語及賓語。施事主語具自主性(+volitional)和控制性(+controlling)的語意特徵,而受事賓語則有具體性(+concrete)。除了典型的動作及物(action, transitive)用法外,另有非動作不及物(non-action, intransitive),表示「遭受」(suffer)意,主語成為了經驗者(experiencer)而賓語是刺激物(stimulus)。這兩種不同的語意,卻有相同的形式結構:(S)NP1+(V)吃+(O)NP2。本文基於動態語法(emergent grammar)討論動詞「吃」的賓語由具體性(+concrete)泛化(generalization)為非具體性(-concrete),並且帶有不幸(adversity)的意涵。而主語的論元語意角色(semantic role),從動作施事者,成了非自主性的(-volitional)經驗者,使得動詞「吃」由動作及物,重新理解(reinterpretation)為非動作性不及物的用法。同時,本文也從辭彙化角度試圖為「吃X」形式做分類。 |
英文摘要 | In terms of argument structure, the verb chi1 吃 ‘eat’ requires an agent and a theme as the subject and object respectively. The agent subject possesses the semantic features of [+volition] and [+control], while the theme object has the feature of [+concrete]. Aside from the typical action and transitive usage, non-action and intransitive usage, meaning suffering, also exists. In the case of the non-action and intransitive usage, the subject becomes an experiencer and the object a stimulus, yet these two different semantic meanings are derived under an identical formal structure: (S) NP1 + (V)吃+(O)NP2. Based on emergent gram-mar, the current study reveals that the object of chi1吃 is generalized from [+concrete] to [-concrete] and equipped with the implication of adversity. Fur-thermore, the semantic role of the subject is transformed into a non-volitional experiencer from an agent, making chi1吃 reinterpreted as non-action and in-transitive rather than action and transitive. On the other hand, this study attempts to categorize various types of “吃X” from the perspective of lexicalization. |
本系統中英文摘要資訊取自各篇刊載內容。