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題 名 | 重論美國「對華政策」: 其角色與抉擇=Study of America's Chinese Policy: Its Roles and Options |
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作 者 | 陳翁平; | 書刊名 | 大漢學報 |
卷 期 | 12 1998.11[民87.11] |
頁 次 | 頁423-448 |
分類號 | 578.522 |
關鍵詞 | 美國; 對華政策; |
語 文 | 中文(Chinese) |
中文摘要 | 四十九年前,中國不幸分裂成兩個政權與兩種體制。從分裂那一刻起,國共雙方 就積極展開恢復統一而努力。四十九年來,中共由鼓吹「武力解放臺灣」到號召「和平統一 、一國兩制」,態度由張轉弛,中華民國由鼓吹「軍事反攻大陸」到號召「民主、自由、均 富統一中國」,立場由武轉文。彼此的論調雖先後有別、左右各異,但都強調兩岸應結束分 裂的局面,完成中國的統一。儘管目前臺灣兩邊的關係業已突破長久僵硬對立,漸漸朝向緩 和道路上來,然欲實現真正中國統一,依然是遙遙無期。 正值今年 (一九九八年 ) 美國總 統柯林頓與中共國家主席江澤民在北京舉行第二次「柯江會談」,「臺灣問題」頓時成為萬 眾矚目的焦點。六月三十日,柯林頓總統在上海公開闡明美國對臺的三個不支持政策立場 ( 即不支持兩個中國或一中一臺、及臺灣獨立,不支持臺灣加入需要以主權國為成員的國際性 組織 ), 雖然此政策宣佈並不是出現在宮方場合且形諸於美 (中 ) 雙方的聯合公報或聲明 文字中,無疑地,其所引發的心理性政經效應,對臺北而言,是一項不容忽視的衝擊。儘管 事後美國再次重申對臺政策並無發生實質性改變,「三不政策」亦無新義,況且其內容更可 溯至一九八二年的「八一七公報」、一九九四年「對華政策檢討報告」,以及一九九七年第 一次「柯江會談」後的聯合聲明裡。但美國對華政策之逐趨明朗化,是否造成臺灣生存空間 愈加緊縮,臺北 -- 華府 -- 北京三角關係失衡且已向中共一方傾斜的事實,是深值吾人關 切與探討的重要課題。美國政府雖曾強調「美國的政策不是臺海兩岸改善關係的障礙,也不 是兩岸最終解決問題的障礙」,然而美國自一九四九年起即捲入國共內戰以來,「美國因素 」對臺灣兩岸關係未來的演變,進而左右中國和平統一的走向, 必然極具關鍵性作用。基於 此, 本文研究的範疇,首先將以狄特默 (Lowell Dittmer) 三角關係理論模式, 詮釋臺北 -- 華府 -- 北京三角關係於一九四九年至迄今之演變情形; 然後研析其對臺政策中任何可 能影響其決策形成之內外環境變項,最後並試圖評估及判斷美國未來對臺政策之發展取向。 |
英文摘要 | Forty-nine years ago, China, unfortunately, was divided into two parts, causing two regimes and two systems. Since then, the KMT and CCP have been dedicating themselves to the unification of China. It nearly took thirty-eight years for the CCP to change its policy from "military liberalization of Taiwan" to "peaceful unification with" One country, two systems". It took even longer for KMT to respond to such a fundamental change by shifting its stands from "recovery of Chinese mainland" to "unification with Chinese mainland under freedom, democracy and welfare". Although their viewpoints are sharply different, yet they have reached a consensus that China should be united. Under such a circumstance, though the rigid relations and long-standing confrontation beween the two sides of Taiwan Strait have broken recently, the realization of Chinese unification is still uncertain. While the meeting between U.S. president Clinton and PRC national president Jyang Dze Ming held on June this year (1998). "Taiwan Question" was sure to be tyhe topic of both sides. On June 30, the United States government unofficially responded to the PRC's new requests in Shanghai-the so-called "no support of "One China, one Taiwan", no support of Taiwan independence, no support of Taiwan's participation in U.N". Although U.S. government didn't make them clear in the Joint Statement afterwards, these points had become major focuses which brough about some political and economic effects greatly affecting Taiwan. America reiterated that his Chinese Policy didn't fundamentally change and there was no implications in the "three no policies"..., but it was true that the imbalanced relationship of Taipei-Washinton-Peking had biased towards PRC's side. Thus, We will understand much better than before that America indeed has crucial effects on the interaction of Taipei-Peking bilateral relations and their future policy options. In other words, whether Taiwan will strive for pecaceful reunification of the Motherland or maintain status quo or declare its independence, America, undoubtedly, plays a key role in it. Based upon these points, this thesis is going to center on any variables affecting the policy-making of Sino-American relations, internal and external, and to make some assessments and analyses of their future policy tendency. The main aim is to find out those factors sufficient to influence the process of the decision-making of American longterm policy towards China as well as the interplay and effects among them. In addition, Lowell Dittmer's triangle theories and models will be made use of to interpret the triangle relations among Taipei-Washington-Peking from 1949 to 1998. |
本系統中英文摘要資訊取自各篇刊載內容。