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題 名 | 黨外省議員與省主席李登輝的民主對話(1981~1984)=Democratic Dialogues between Tang-wai Provincial Legislators and Provincial Chairman Lee Teng-hui, 1981-1984 |
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作 者 | 蘇瑞鏘; | 書刊名 | 國史館館刊 |
卷 期 | 79 2024.04[民113.04] |
頁 次 | 頁135-184 |
分類號 | 573.07 |
關鍵詞 | 黨外; 省議員; 李登輝; 省主席; 民主; Tangwai ; Provincial legislators; Lee Teng-hui; Provincial Chairman; Democracy; |
語 文 | 中文(Chinese) |
中文摘要 | 本文旨在探討1981-1984年間,黨外省議員透過省政總質詢的機會,與省主席李登輝(1923-2020)進行攸關民主政治的對話。這些對話可歸納為四大類,其一是地方自治,包括制定《省縣自治通則》與省長民選;其二是選制選風,包括國會全面改選、監察委員選舉制度、僑選中央民代遴選制度,以及選舉風氣敗壞的檢討;其三是基本人權,包括人身自由(如《違警罰法》、刑求與《刑事訴訟法》第27條的修正)、言論自由(如查禁黨外書刊),以及結社自由(如黨禁);其四是政治案件,包括余登發案、美麗島事件、林宅血案、楊金海遭酷刑,以及新約教會錫安山事件。 當時美麗島事件剛發生不久,接著又發生林宅血案與陳文成命案,肅殺之氣瀰漫臺灣。此時國會仍未全面改選,這些省議員就成了黨外延續民主香火的重要希望。他們質詢的議題,有些是多年未解的沉痾,如萬年國會、不合憲的地方自治、白色恐怖等;有些則是專屬他們那個時代的議題,如美麗島事件、林宅血案、黨外禁書等。他們多以聯合質詢的方式,如接力賽似地輪番上陣;而且透過豐富的資料與犀利的提問,過程中常有引人注目的亮點,有其重要的歷史意義。 至於李登輝,他有時尚能秉持理性的態度,接受黨外議員所提出的合理建議,卻不時顯露其堅守黨國價值紅線的一面。然而,日後當他權力穩固以後,這些黨國紅線被他逐一跨越,成為推動政治改革的「民主先生」。究其轉折,是受到時勢影響而逐漸覺醒(從保守到進步)的直線進化過程?抑或是年輕時即心懷進步價值、到了中年迫於情勢必須蟄伏待機、直到晚年才奮勇抓住時潮完成早年未竟的夢想,達成「我是『不是我的我』」的辯證過程?這些都留給後人深思的空間。相信透過更多李登輝早年生命歷程的探索,應有助於理解他的變與不變。 |
英文摘要 | This article aims to explore the democratic dialogues conducted at the Provincial Assembly’s questioning sessions between Tang-wai (non-KMT opposition) provincial legislators and Provincial Chairman Lee Teng-hui from 1981 to 1984. There were four principal subjects in these dialogues. The first centered on local autonomy, including the formulation of the “Provincial and County Autonomy Regulations” and the election of provincial governor. The second covered the electoral system and electoral practices, including comprehensive parliamentary elections, the election system for the Control Yuan members, the selection system of central legislators representing ROC expatriates, and general reflections on the deteriorating electoral environment. The third related to basic human rights, including personal freedom (such as the “Punishments for Breaching Police Regulations,” torture, and amendments to Article 27 of the “Criminal Procedure Law”), freedom of speech (such as the censorship of Tang-wai publications), and freedom of association (such as the ban on political parties). The fourth concerned specific political cases at the time, including the Yu Teng-fa case, the Formosa Magazine Incident, the murder of the Lin family, the torture of Yang Chin-hai, and the New Testament Church’s Mount Zion incident. These dialogues took place in the wake of the Formosa Magazine Incident, the murder of the Lin family and the killing of Chen Wen-cheng, amidst an atmosphere of political suppression and fear. With parliamentary elections not being fully implemented, these Tang-wai provincial legislators represented a glimmer of hope for the continuation of democratic ideals in Taiwan. They often used joint questioning as means to take turns in challenging the government, and these sessions often became highlights of those sessions. As for Lee Teng-hui, at times he maintained a rational attitude and accepted reasonable suggestions put forth by Tang-wai legislators, but he also displayed an unwavering commitment to the principles of the KMT party-state. However, as he gradually solidified his power in later years, he would abandon those partystate principles one by one, eventually earning the title of “Mr. Democracy” by pushing for political reform in Taiwan. What prompted this transformation? Was it a gradual awakening influenced by the circumstances, evolving in a linear progression from conservatism to progressivism? Or did he already hold progressive values at a young age, hide them during his middle years due to political constraints, and then seize the opportunity at his old age to achieve unfulfilled dreams, undergoing a dialectical process of becoming “the self that was not me?” These questions will remain for future generations to contemplate. Further explorations of the early life and experiences of Lee Teng-hui may contribute to a better understanding of his changes and continuities. |
本系統中英文摘要資訊取自各篇刊載內容。