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題 名 | Limiting Synchronic and Diachronic Variation and Change: The Final-over-Final Constraint=限制共時與歷時的變異和演變:中心詞後置短語須居其上之約束條件 |
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作 者 | Biberauer, Theresa; Newton, Glenda; Michelle, Sheehan; | 書刊名 | 語言暨語言學 |
卷 期 | 10:4 2009.10[民98.10] |
頁 次 | 頁701-743 |
分類號 | 801.4 |
關鍵詞 | 語言接觸; 語言演變; 階段; 句法類型學; 普遍性; 詞序; Language contact; Language change; Phase; Syntactic typology; Universal; Word order; |
語 文 | 英文(English) |
英文摘要 | This paper explores a synchronic grammatical constraint, the Final-over-Final Constraint (henceforth: FOFC; Holmberg 2000, Biberauer, Holmberg & Roberts 2007, 2008), and its predictions for diachronic change. As an absolute principle, FOFC rules out the possibility of a head-final phrase dominating a categorially non-distinct head-initial phrase. This predicts that change from head-final to headinitial order must proceed from the top down (starting with the complementizer), whereas change from head-initial to head-final order must proceed bottom-up (starting with the lexical verb). Case studies from English, Afrikaans, and Ethiopian Semitic appear to support these predictions. Building on the account in Biberauer, Holmberg & Roberts (2007, 2008), it is proposed that FOFC is an effect of phaseharmony, whereby if a phase head bears a linearization diacritic (signalling headfinality), then all the categorially non-distinct heads visible to it must also bear this diacritic. According to standard versions of phase theory, this account predicts that FOFC should hold across phase boundaries. This fact, however, creates an apparent ‘paradox’ for the theory of word-order change proposed, making it appear impossible for final structures to become initial or vice versa. The paper highlights empirical evidence to show how languages avoid this potential barrier to wordorder change, which does indeed seem to progress as FOFC would predict. |
本系統中英文摘要資訊取自各篇刊載內容。