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題 名 | A Transformationalist Approach to the Rise of RVCs in Chinese=論漢語動補複合動詞的起源及其結構因素 |
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作 者 | 林宗宏; | 書刊名 | 清華學報 |
卷 期 | 32:2 2002.12[民91.12] |
頁 次 | 頁211-256 |
專 輯 | 梅廣教授榮退論文集 (語言篇) |
分類號 | 802.632 |
關鍵詞 | 並列; 加接; 事象結構; 漢語歷史語法; Coordination; Adjunction; Event structure; Historical syntas of chinese; |
語 文 | 英文(English) |
中文摘要 | 本文討論漢語動補複合動詞在歷史中的起源,以及其結構因素。之前有許多文獻以對漢語動補複合動詞的種種面向提出了精闢的見解,然而甚少有學者針對漢語動補複合動詞的起源,及其與古代漢語中動詞成份自由並列現象之間的邏輯關係,進行實質的探討。本文採納Mei (2002) 的觀點,認為漢語的詞組結構,由古至今經歷了一場以並列為主到以從屬為主的巨大變化;本文更將漢語動補複合動詞的歷史起源,以及古代漢語中動詞成份並列現象的消失,與此一變化聯繫在一起。首先,我們認為古代漢語的動詞成份自由並列,乃是一種(多個)動詞組加接在一個主要謂語上的現象。動詞成份自由並列之所以在漢語句法中消失,是因為漢語的詞組結構不斷承受壓力,促使一個謂語只表達一個事象結構。由於多個動詞組加接在一個主要謂語上會導致一個位語表達多於一個事象結構,因此詞成份自由並列現象便逐漸消失。在此同時,從屬性的詞組結構也逐漸出現,生成出現代動補複合動詞所需的事象結構,最終導致動補複合動詞的出現。 |
英文摘要 | This work argues for a specific analysis for the rise of the resultative verbal compounds in Chinese, with a focus on the decline of coordination of verbal elements in the history of Chinese. Thought the RVCs in Chinese have attracted much attention in the researchers of Chinese syntax, it is shown that earlier proposals may not have provided satisfactory explanations for the decline of free coordination of verbal elements in Ancient Chinese and its correlation with the rise of the RVCs. Mei’s (2002) insightful hypothesis is adopted, according to which the phrase structure of Chinese has undergone a major change from dominantly coordinating to dominantly subordinating. A formal account is proposed, and it is argued that the free coordination of verbal elements in Ancient Chinese was in fact a case of (multiple) adjunctions of VP to the main predicate of the sentence. This account enjoys a number of advantages, as it provides a basis for capturing the right-headedness of verbal complexes in Ancient Chinese, and makes possible a unified structural analysis for the coordination structures and modification structures in Ancient Chinese. This work further suggest that the decline of free coordination of verbal elements in the history of Chinese resulted from the pressure for the one predicate to host one and only one case of event quantification. This pressure suppressed VP adjunction as a legitimate mean for structure building and eventually led to the RVCs of the present form. |
本系統中英文摘要資訊取自各篇刊載內容。