頁籤選單縮合
題名 | The Semantic and Syntactic Analysis of Focus Particles in Thai=關注泰語助詞的語義與句法分析 |
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作 者 | Tiyanuch Rusawang; Sugunya Ruangjaroon; Sugunya Ruangjaroon; Tiyanuch Rusawang; | 書刊名 | Taiwan Journal of Linguistics |
卷期 | 15:1 2017.01[民106.01] |
頁次 | 頁1-28 |
分類號 | 803.5 |
關鍵詞 | 關注助詞; 標注主語/賓語的不對稱; 泰語裡形近詞和連詞的不對稱; 及運用時的作用; Focus particles; Subject/object asymmetry in focus marking; wh arguments/wh adjuncts asymmetry in Thai; Focus intervention effects; |
語文 | 英文(English) |
中文摘要 | 本文首次就泰語助詞的語義與句法進行分析,重點關注兩類助詞的介紹,是獨家發表且無任何其外添加(無誇大或貶低之添加)。此諸多助詞的解釋援引於一套特定上下文的語境。所有關注的助詞都要符合相應的要求,助詞所用之處總要與相鄰的詞彙因素有關,尚無觀察到有模棱兩可之用法。然而,泰語所表達的主語和賓語與想要遵循的DP主題是通過句子構造上的不對稱才有可能顯現的。Kim於2002和2007年提出,泰語裡關注其介入的作用在視爲形近詞還是連詞之間也存在不同的爭論。由Ruangjaroon在2005年提出形近詞句子的構造是分開的,而連詞則不是 |
英文摘要 | This paper provides the first analysis of focus particles in Thai. Two types of focus particles are introduced: exclusives and additives (scalar and non-scalar additives). The interpretation of these particles invokes a set of alternatives that is relevant to a given context. All of the focus particles obey the adjacency requirement whereby these particles are always adjacent to the focus elements and no scope ambiguity is observed. However, Thai shows subject/object asymmetry with respect to focus marking in which the subject DP focus is only available through the existential construction. There is also asymmetry between wh-arguments and wh-adjuncts in focus intervention effects in Thai as proposed by Kim (2002, 2006). In wh-arguments, the constructions involve wh-clefts as proposed by Ruangjaroon (2005) while wh-adjuncts do not |
本系統之摘要資訊系依該期刊論文摘要之資訊為主。