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| 題 名 | 論漢語方言日母字的歷時演變=On Diachronic Developments of the Ri-initial in Chinese Dialects |
|---|---|
| 作 者 | 許慧娟; | 書刊名 | 清華學報 |
| 卷 期 | 46:4 2016.12[民105.12] |
| 頁 次 | 頁655-741 |
| 專 輯 | 清大語言所三十年所慶論文集--語音音韻篇 |
| 分類號 | 802.5 |
| 關鍵詞 | 日母; 諧聲; 舌根音唇化; Ri-initial; Xiesheng; Labiolization of velars; |
| 語 文 | 中文(Chinese) |
| 中文摘要 | 本文利用音韻規律、諧聲串聯和方言比較論證中古日母字源自上古舌根濁塞音合口三等。這個分析不但擺脫文獻兩種構擬 *Ñ和 *Ñ 的弊端,成功地詮釋了日母的語音演變,也顧及其它聲母的特殊方音。至於日母的源頭到底是 *gʰ 抑或兼有 *g、*gʰ,暫無定論。本文分析的理論貢獻有:(一)諧聲問題訴諸音變即可,不需擬設複聲母,(二)次濁聲母讀 h、x、ɦ、ɣ是語音演變的必然,無關氣流換道。有別於韻書聚焦個別漢字,本文主張關注以聲符為軸發展出來的群組,並檢視方言音讀,能更全面的掌握漢語音韻的演變脈絡。 |
| 英文摘要 | This paper argues that the Middle-Chinese Ri-initial descends from voiced velar stop(s) plus Closed-Mouth Division III in Old Chinese, by means of phonological rules (labiolization of velars), Xiesheng and dialect comparison. This analysis not only gets rid of drawbacks of the two reconstructions *Ñ and *Ñ in the literature, but also sucessfully explains irregular pronunciations of some Middle-Chinese initials in various dialects. Yet, whether the Ri-initial originates from *gʰ or *g, *gʰ both awaits further investigation. Two theoretical implications of the current analysis are: (a) consonant-cluster porposals are unnecessary to solve the Xiesheng problem, and (b) pronunciations of h, x, ɦ, ɣ by Cizhuo initials derive directly from sound changes. Different from Qieyun which focuses on individual characters and uses limited dialect materials, this paper advocates that a more adequate and convincing methodology to ensure diachronic developments of Chinese phonology appeals to Xiesheng and a wide range of synchronic phonologies. |
本系統中英文摘要資訊取自各篇刊載內容。