頁籤選單縮合
| 題 名 | 國立故宮博物院所藏1848年兩件浩罕來文再考=Reconsidering the Two 1848 Khoqand Documents Stored at the National Palace Museum |
|---|---|
| 作 者 | 小沼孝博; 新免康; 河原彌生; | 書刊名 | 輔仁歷史學報 |
| 卷 期 | 26 2011.03[民100.03] |
| 頁 次 | 頁107-138 |
| 分類號 | 627.44 |
| 關鍵詞 | 浩罕; 新疆; 回疆; 喀什噶爾和卓; 阿克薩哈勒; 呼岱達; Khoqand; Xinjiang; Eastern Turkistan; Kashgar Khwajas; Aq saqal; Khudayda; |
| 語 文 | 中文(Chinese) |
| 中文摘要 | 國立故宮博物院藏有大量的清代外交關係文書。其中含有1848年（道光28）的兩件浩罕來文。該文書是浩罕使者阿布都噶甫爾所攜，致喀什噶爾的阿齊木伯克與清朝大臣的書信。於1847年（道光27），發生了「喀什噶爾和卓」後裔入侵事件之一，所謂「七人和卓」之「聖戰」。阿布都噶甫爾則是為此事件的善後交涉被派至喀什噶爾的代表。故此文書，研究清朝與浩罕汗國的晚期關係時，為十分重要的根本資料。本文再檢討此文書，對先行研究的解釋提出了幾點修正，並對此文書的特徵與其所處的歷史背景做了一些補充說明。18世紀中葉新疆平定之後，浩罕汗國的來文便開始採取一式兩份的形式。該兩件文書也將此慣例呈現的十分清楚。但是，阿布都噶甫爾至於喀什噶爾之時間，比該文書的起草日早了約一個月。此外，該文書之中，可以看到「擡頭」表現，且來自漢、滿、蒙語的造語等清代回疆特徵性文書用語。由這些文書特徵仍可提出，當阿布都噶甫爾到達喀什噶爾後，依照慣例重新準備了一式二份的書信；以及實際起草人應非浩罕人，而是熟知清朝行政文書寫法的回疆當地人。浩罕汗國已於1832年從清朝獲得回疆域內之浩罕商人的①關稅免除與②商頭（「阿克薩哈勒」）設置之權利。文書中，浩罕方面所要求的事項雖為這兩個利權的繼續保有，但浩罕所要求設置的商頭並非「阿克薩哈勒」，而是「呼岱達」。過去的研究，多視為呼岱達與阿克薩哈勒之身分不同。但是，從該文書與相關史料之記載來可知，由於喀什噶爾的阿克薩哈勒具有一定特殊的權限，與其他城市的阿克薩哈勒地位不同，故於1833年之後，也許因此被冠上了呼岱達的稱號。1831年浩罕汗國獲得回疆域內的商業特權後，於1833年開始進出清朝邊境的帕米爾地域，執拗地向清朝要求對喀什米爾與巴達克山一帶的外國商人課稅的權利。1837年之後，浩罕汗國在此一帶的控制力逐漸減弱，主要的原因在國內外的政治混亂。自1845年木素滿庫里的權力確立後，浩罕汗國再向清朝提出①對外國商人課稅等權利。正當上述利益衝突於帕米爾地域仍混沌不明之際，又發生了「七人和卓」之「聖戰」。當時的浩罕汗國，雖然由木素滿庫里掌權，但面臨西北方與布哈拉汗國的戰爭，以及俄羅斯的南下壓力，在東方新疆的商業特權成為支撐國家財政的重要財源。因此，浩罕汗國為了安定東方的關係，這次刻意避開了對清朝提出過多要求的動作，訂下了以確實地維護既得利益為最優先目的的方針。清朝再度認可「照舊通商免稅，自放呼岱達」之特權。但這樣的決定，並非僅清朝「寬大為懷」的表現。當時，不只浩罕汗國，清朝也面臨了內憂外患。對兩國來說，都已經沒有積極地展開雙方外交政策的國力了。本文所舉的兩件文書，正是暗示了兩國關係之「黃昏」。 |
| 英文摘要 | A large number of diplomatic documents belonging to the Qing period are stored at the National Palace Museum in Taipei. The collection includes the two documents in 1848, written in Arabic-Turki, addressed from the Khoqand khanate. The two documents, which were brought by the Khoqand envoy 'Abd al-Ghafūr, are letters that were presented to the Ḥākim beg and the Qing administrator (amban) of Kashgar. In 1847, the ”holy war” of ”Seven Khwajas,” one of the revolts of the ”Kashgar Khwaja” descendants, broke out against the Qing. 'Abd al-Ghafūr was dispatched to Kashgar as the representative of the khanate for the postwar negotiations. Therefore, in our study of the Khoqand-Qing relationship in their final stage, these two documents are highly valuable as original sources. In this paper, mainly on the basis of these documents, we make some revisions in the earlier interpretation and provide some additional explanation, taking into account the features of the documents and their historical background.Since the conquest of Xinjiang in the mid-eighteenth century, the Khoqand letter addressed to the Qing had been written in the form of a two-letter set. The application of this form can be also observed in the two 1848 documents. However, 'Abd al-Ghafūr's arrival in Kashgar was about one month before the draft. In addition, these documents include the taitou (elevating words to the head of the next line to indicate respect), which was a marked characteristic of official documents of Chinese dynasty, and some peculiar words coined from Chinese, Manchu, and Mongol languages, which were used as bureaucratic terms in Eastern Turkistan under the Qing rule. On the basis of these features, we can point out that 'Abd al-Ghafūr, following the old regulation, prepared the two documents after his arriving at Kashgar and that its actual writer was not a Khoqandian but a local Turki who was well acquainted with the drafting of Qing administrative documents.In 1831-32, the Khoqand khanate had obtained the following rights from the Qing government: (1) exemption from duty and (2) appointment of a ”Commercial Agent” (Aq saqal) to the Khoqand Merchants in Eastern Turkistan. In the documents, the Khoqand requested to retain these two rights; however, the title of ”Commercial Agent” that the Khoqand had then requested to appoint was not the Aq saqal but Khudayda (＜ Ma. huda-i da). Most of the earlier studies recognize that the Aq saqal, first appointed in 1833, replaced the Khudayda; therefore, their positions were different. However, according to the two documents and other related sources, we can understand that the Aq saqal of Kashgar held greater authority than those of other cities, who were continuously called Khudayda even after 1833.After obtaining the commercial privileges in 1831-32, The Khoqand began to spread the power among the Pamir area and tenaciously demanded to the Qing government for a right to collect taxes from the Kashmir and Badakhshan inhabitants. After 1837, the Khoqand's control over those areas weakened because of the political troubles at home and abroad. However, after the establishment of Muslmān Qulï's power in 1845, the Khoqand onece again requested the Qing for a right to tax the foreign merchants arriving Xinjiang from Kashmir and Badakhshan. The ”holy war” of ”Seven Khwajas” took place in such a chaotic situation, which involved the conflict of interests of the Pamir area. Although Muslmān Qulï came into power, the Khoqand was then at war with the Bukhara khanate and confronted with the pressures of Russia in the northwestern side. The commercial privilege in Qing Xinjiang was an important source of revenue to support the khanate. For the stability of the eastward relations, it was possible that the Khoqand gave priority to certainly protect the vested rights, withholding an aggressive attitude toward the Qing.The Qing finally approved the ”exemption from taxation and appointment of the Khudayda according to the old regulations.” However, such a decision is not a mere expression of the Qing's magnanimity. At that time, the Qing, as well as the Khoqand, was facing several troubles at home and abroad. Both of the countries had no power to be able to actively promote their own diplomatic policies. The contents of the two documents imply the ”twilight” of the Khoqand-Qing relation. |
本系統中英文摘要資訊取自各篇刊載內容。