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題 名 | 臺灣東勢客家話的捲舌音=Retroflexed Fricatives in Dongshi Hakka of Taiwan |
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作 者 | 鍾榮富; | 書刊名 | 語言暨語言學 |
卷 期 | 11:2 2010.04[民99.04] |
頁 次 | 頁219-248 |
分類號 | 802.5238 |
關鍵詞 | 客家話; 語音聲學; 捲舌擦音; 顎化語音; 零聲母; 頻率下限; Hakka; Acoustic phonetics; Retroflexed fricatives; Palatalized consonants; Zero-initial onset; Frequency band; |
語 文 | 中文(Chinese) |
英文摘要 | This article explores the phonetic properties of [ʃ] and [ʒ] in Dongshi Hakka (Taiwan). In the literature, they are categorized as “blade” or “post apical” consonants. However, the terms are not unanimously followed. We argue in this article that these two fricatives are more retroflexed than palatalized on the basis of the following arguments: (a) In articulation, both [ʃ] and [ʒ] are produced by raising the tip of the tongue to the post-alveolar position, giving rise to friction. (b) The lower edge of the frequency band of [ʃ] and [ʒ] is lower than that of [s], conforming entirely to findings in the literature. (c) Phonetic cues like the distance between F3 and F4 and peaks of noisy frequency also help identify the properties of retroflexed sounds. (d) By comparing the Dongshi [ʃ] with the American [ʃ], we find there is no palatalized color in the Dongshi [ʃ]. Given that affricates like [tʃ] and [tʃ ] are essentially composed of a stop and [ʃ], the findings of this article can presumably be extended to account for the phonetic nature of Hakka affricates. The article ends with some remarks on the theoretical and empirical implications of the findings. |
本系統中英文摘要資訊取自各篇刊載內容。