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題 名 | 臺灣話鼻音滲透的OT分析=An OT Analysis of Nasal Percolation in Taiwanese |
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作 者 | 洪惟仁; | 書刊名 | 清華學報 |
卷 期 | 31:3 2001.09[民90.09] |
頁 次 | 頁197-248 |
分類號 | 802.5231 |
關鍵詞 | 臺灣話; 閩南語; 鼻音擴散; 優選論分析; 音節內滲透; 跨音節滲透; 方言差異; Taiwanese; Nasal spreading; OT analysis; Inner syllabic percolation; Trans syllabic percolation; Dialectal variation; |
語 文 | 中文(Chinese) |
中文摘要 | 臺灣閩南語音韻最引人入勝之處是鼻音的擴散,韻核鼻音可以擴散到整個音節,但是韻尾鼻音卻不能擴散。為了解釋這個不對稱性,已經發表了許多理論,包括向右擴散論、向左擴散論、向下擴散論、領域滲透論,這些以規律為基礎的理論雖然做了幾乎所有可能的分析,卻沒有一個能夠以一貫的理論解釋所有的鼻音現象。因此本文嘗試以限制基礎分析和優選論模式重新分析臺灣話的鼻音現象。討論的範疇除音節內擴散,也涉及跨音節擴散。 本文以音節層次性結構分析及領頭管轄原則,重新界定鼻音領域、並提出一些鼻音滲透限制,分別規範音節內以及跨音節的鼻音擴散,對於方言現象則以限制的順位不同來解釋。我們企圖在音節內以及跨音節兩個範疇採取一貫的理論分析,並證明限制基礎分析和優選理論模式的優越性。 |
英文摘要 | This paper examines the nasal spreading, an interesting phenomenon in Taiwanese, where a nasal feature spreads throughout the syllable when it is specified in the nucleus, but which cannot spread beyond the coda where the nasal feature is specified. Many arguments have been published for explaining the asymmetry of the nasal spreading in Taiwanese, such as rightward spreading theory (Li 1992), leftward spreading theory (Wang 1997), downward spreading theory (Ang 1996), and percolation theory (Chung 1996). All of these theories are based on a rule-based analysis, which cannot explain all such nasal spreading behavior in Taiwanese, and this is the motivation for this paper's reanalysis based on the constraint-based analysis and OT model. The downward spreading theory is elegant but cannot explain cross-syllable spreading, where the nasal feature spreads upward to the nucleus of unstressed syllables. The percolation theory is insightful, but Chung divided a syllable into two domains, [CV] and [-C], which cannot cover the nasal spreading from nucleus to coda. In this paper, the nasal domains are redefined in a hierarchical structure, and it is argued that the nasal feature specified in nucleus percolates throughout the syllable that is m-commanded by nucleus, and that nasal specified in coda percolates only in the domain that is m-commanded by coda. Under this head-government hypothesis, three constraints are set as follow, (1) two constraints of alignment: ALICN(N,L), ALIGN(N,R) to define nasal domains; (2) two percolation constraints: C-V N.H and *-vC to ensure the nasal feature spreads throughout but not beyond its own domain, (3) two faithfulness constraints: SURVIVE NAS and NASDEP to identify the nasal realization from underlying to surface, and (4) an opacity constraint *c- to inhibit voiceless obstruents from being nasalized. Then these constraints are ranked in their cruciality, and many candidates of different forms are valuated in tableaux respectively, whereby ill forms are filtered out and the unique well form is elected. The OT analysis of Taiwanese nasal percolation supports the argument that all constraints are violable, and that for a well-formed one, minimal violation is acceptable instead of total lack of violation. The second part of this paper deals with the nasal spreading across syllables, where a nasal feature spreads only rightward but not leftward. For this directionality, Chung 1996 argued that it is 'spreading' but not 'percolation'. But it is difficult to explain why a same nasal feature 'percolates' within a syllable, but 'spreads' across a syllable. It is argued consistently in this paper that trans-syllabic spreading is essentially also percolation, that is, a stressed syllable opens its right boundary barrier to followed unstressed syllables, which get incorporated into the stressed syllable along with the percolated nasal feature from it. Trans-syllabic constraints are almost the same as those for inner- syllabic percolation, except those about the expanding of percolation domain to an XP, and about the opacity of obstruents and stressed syllables. So it is necessary to replace the right hand alignment constraint by ALIGN(N, XPR), the opacity constraint of obstruents by *c, and to add an opacity constraint for stressed syllables:*?. The last part of the paper deals with variations in nasal spreading, which have been disregarded, or regarded as exceptions by traditional linguists. In fact, a dialectal variation or a strange phonetic realization can be explained by different ranking of constraints in OT theory. In this paper, all changes in ranking have motivation, which have caused different people to adopt different strategies to avoid generating ill-formed syllables in order to obey more highly ranked constraints, or to accept sporadic ill forms. For example, for the Japanese loanword 'manga' (cartoon), some people pronounce [ba?31,ga11] to avoid violating the *-vC constraint, but some people pronounce [ma?31ga11] to obey the SURVIVENAS constraint to conserve the underlying Japanese source-pronunciation, in which [ma?] is an ill-formed syllable in Taiwanese. |
本系統中英文摘要資訊取自各篇刊載內容。