頁籤選單縮合
題 名 | 內閣應否總辭﹖法律與政治之差異=Should the Cabinet Have to Resign﹖The Comparison between the Law and Politics |
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作 者 | 徐正戎; | 書刊名 | 國立中山大學社會科學季刊 |
卷 期 | 2:2 民89.夏 |
頁 次 | 頁103-124 |
分類號 | 581.243 |
關鍵詞 | 民意政治; 責任政治; 雙首長制; 內閣制; 總統制; 倒閣; 解散; Responsibility politic; Semi-president's system; President's system; Parliamentarian system; |
語 文 | 中文(Chinese) |
中文摘要 | 我國憲法中因為對行政院院長之任期並未有明確之規範,因此常常成為憲政實務上爭議之點。此一影響政局安定之憲法疏漏終於在前(八十七)年年底立法委員改選後,正式浮土檯面。當時,中國國民黨雖然在立法院維持多數黨之席次,然而要求行政院院長蕭萬長辭職,以表明其向立法院負責態度之呼聲不絕如縷,其中更有「中生代卡位戰」之陰謀論摻雜其中,使得原本可在學理面探究並釐清之憲政問題,就如同以往許多之憲政爭議一般,無論最後如何定案,都給予眾人無限之政治聯想空間。雖然此事最後是由蕭萬長率內閣總辭,李登輝總統亦隨即以再次任命之方式而暫告落幕,唯行政院院長是否應在立法委員改選後總辭之爭議,並未因此而有定論。 另外,在民國八十六年之憲法增修版本中,對於行政院院長任命之方式,亦有重大之變革,使得總統,行政院院長與立法院間三方權力之互動關係,因而有所改變,對於內閣應否總辭問題之探究自然有所影響,而使此一問題變得愈形複雜。然而,縱使從法制面之探討,吾人容或無法得出內閣必須總辭之結論,但就政治現實面來看,無論從憲政實踐之觀點,或是為行政院院長個人之利害計,「辭職」似乎是閣揆在面臨如是問題時,一不得不然之唯一選擇! |
英文摘要 | The ROC Constitution does not clearly define the premier's term inoffice. Therefore it has become an issue in constitutional practices. Thisissue which might jeopardize Taiwan's political stability first emerged after the legislative election in 1998. Although the KMT young turks'conspiracy for power struggle, there by diverting the attention from real constitutional debates on this issue. The whole event ended with theresignation of Premier Hsiao and his cabinet. Hsaio was designatedimmediately by President Lee as the new premier. However, there is still no clear answer whether the premier should resign after the election of anew Legislative Yuan. In addition, the amendment of the Constitution in 1997 essentially changed the power relationship among the president, the premier, and the Legislative Yuan. This change further complicated the issue about there signation of the cabinet. Constitutional theories may not be able to give us a clear answer for this issue. However, to resign under the similar circumstances seems to be inevitable no matter from the viewpoint of our constitution or from the perspective of the premier himself. |
本系統中英文摘要資訊取自各篇刊載內容。