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題名 | 清朝駐外使館的設立--以考慮清朝決策派遣駐外使節的過程及其目的為中心=The Establishment of Permanent Chinese Legations Abroad: A Study of the Decision-Making Process and Purpose of the Qing Dynasty's Dispatch of Diplomatic Representation Abroad |
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作者 | 箱田惠子; Hakoda, Keiko; |
期刊 | 臺灣師大歷史學報 |
出版日期 | 20050600 |
卷期 | 33 民94.06 |
頁次 | 頁169-195 |
分類號 | 578.225 |
語文 | chi |
關鍵詞 | 外交; 駐外公館; 自強運勳; 李鴻章; 赫德; Diplomacy; Permanent legation abroad; Self-strengthening movement; Li Hong-zhang; Robert Hart; |
中文摘要 | 本報告的目的是讓大家進一步加深對十九世紀後半清朝派遣駐外使節的了解。從前,由清朝派遣駐外使節被認為是清朝適應近代西方“條約體制”的一環。因此,以前的研究只集中到赫德(R. Hart)等在華外國人的思想影響及清朝的對應上。考察清朝決定派遣使節過程的徐中約(I. Hsü)的研究代表了這樣的觀點;他說明了,條約改訂的日期在即,為了避開西洋諸國附加要求而被派遣的蒲安臣使節團的成功,使派遣使節的重要性給清朝官僚們留下了印象,而且牡丹社事件(1874年)的刺激及於馬嘉理(Margary)案與威妥瑪(T. Wade)交涉等事件使清朝理解了赫德等提倡的派遣使節的必要性。 本報告,從與上述觀點不同的角度,對李鴻章等清朝地方督撫對於派遣使節的意見和政策決定上的作用加以考慮,進行研究,得出以下的三個結論。一、雖然總理衙門與李鴻章都對蒲安臣使節團很成興趣,但他們有各自的企圖;一方面負責條約改訂交涉的總理衙門,為了避開迫使中國改革的西洋諸國的要求,需要派遣蒲安臣使節團,一方面李鴻章認為派遣使節不僅有進一步加強中國與西洋社會聯係的作用,而且能夠促進自強活動。二、受到杜丹社事件的打擊,清朝痛感自強活動的必要,於是決定了派遣駐外使節。可是,對於政策決定過程,總理衙門起了使李鴻章與守舊派保持均勢的作用。三、雖然赫德與李鴻章都了解,駐外使節會促進中國改革,但是赫德徹底站在總理衙門為中國外交政策中心的立場上,因此,他實際上與自強活動領導核心的李鴻章對立了。 |
英文摘要 | This paper tries to achieve a better understanding of the Qing Dynasty's diplomatic representation abroad in the late 19(superscript th) century. China's dispatch of envoys has long been considered one of its political responses to the ”treaty system” introduced by the strong Western powers. Previous research has focused mainly on influential foreigners in China, such as R Hart, and Qing's reactions to them. Among these studies, I. Hsü's study of how the Qing made decisions to dispatch envoys is representative. Hsü showed that the success of the Burlingame mission, which had been dispatched to prevent further demands from Western powers, impressed on the Qing the importance of foreign missions. He also noted that several incidents, such as the Formosa Incident of 1874, and contacts with foreigners, such as the negotiations with T. Wade on the Margary Incident in 1875 and 1876, made the Qing realize the necessity of dispatching diplomatic representatives abroad, as Hart and others had suggested. In contrast to approach summarized above, this paper tries to bring attention to the Qing side, discussing how influential provincial officials, such as Li Hong-zhang, thought and acted in the decision-making process. Three conclusions have been reached as a result of this approach. First, although both the Zong-li Yamen and Li Hong-zhang approved the Burlingame mission, they had different concerns. The Zong-li Yamen, which was responsible for the negotiations of treaty revisions, welcomed the mission because it helped the Zong-li Yamen avoid further demands that would force the Qing to reform; Li, on the other hand, realized that foreign missions would let China conclude commitments with the West and then would be a help in his promotion of the self-strengthening movement. Second, the Formosa Incident made the Qing realize the need for self-strengthening and to agree to dispatch envoys, but in the policy-making process, the Zong-li Yamen functioned as the ”buffer” between Li, the reformer, and other conservatives. Third, although both Hart and Li understood that the dispatch of foreign mission would spur reform in China, Hart's insistence that the Zong-li Yamen as the central institute in the Qing court be the sole office in charge of its diplomacy sharpened his differences with Li. |
本系統之摘要資訊系依該期刊論文摘要之資訊為主。