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題 名 | 論條件音變=On Conditioned Change |
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作 者 | 張光宇; | 書刊名 | 清華學報 |
卷 期 | 30:4 2000.12[民89.12] |
頁 次 | 頁427-475 |
分類號 | 802.5 |
關鍵詞 | 漢語方言; 條件音變; Chinese dialects; Conditioned change; |
語 文 | 中文(Chinese) |
中文摘要 | 漢語方言像是一片浩瀚無垠的大森林,林中棲息著多姿多樣的奇花異草,揚芬吐芳,生機盎然。方言是歷史的產物,橫的差別代表豎的發展,如何開採漢語方言森林藉以建構漢語語音史,這是一項浩大的且生生不息的工程。十九世紀的印歐語比較研究由無條件音變 (對應關係) 的發現拉開序幕,而以嚴密的條件音變告終。整整一個世紀前後接續的努力,終於把歷史比較法從矇昧混沌帶向科學道路。二十世紀初,漢語語音史的奠基大匠帶著這新穎的科學工具走入寶山,收穫豐盈,令人雀躍。但是持平而論,由於方言森林的開採遠遠落後於古音重建的速度,導致新穎的科學工具未能盡情發揮其應有的效用。科學史的進展表明,假設先行,實證隨後。漢語方言之間對應關係呈現的條件音變就是實證工作的一部分。比較法和方言地理學如為孿生兄弟,則漢語語音史研究與漢語方言對應關係的研究實為一體之兩面。 |
英文摘要 | As the development of the western discipline of historical linguistics has shown us, conditioned change and the comparative method are two sides of the same coin. Following Grimm's law of 1822, there came a sequence of laws: Lottner's law, the law of the palatals, Grassmann's law, as well as Verner's law, each marking a milestone leading the comparative method to its maturity in the later part of the nineteenth century. In retrospect, one may be curious about what happened in its eastern counterpart? It is safe to say that the majority of what has been said about conditioned change in Chinese historical phonology was by its very nature circumstantial, a hub of disputes. There are several reasons for this. For Karlgren, the great Swedish Sinologist who laid down the most important cornerstones for the reconstruction of Chinese historical phonology, the first objective was to transcribe the Chinese terminology into a sound system. Unlike his Western colleagues in the field of Indo-European languages, who were free of traditional burdens, Karlgren did not base his reconstruction purely on the comparative method. In many cases his method was a philological one, and as such, there was not much to say concerning conditioned change. This situation has remained basically unchanged even in the post-Karlgren period. Due to the relative paucity of Chinese dialect material before 1980, little evidence could be referred to in discussing conditioned change on a solid foundation. This is the second reason why discussion on conditioned change has remained largely theoretical rather than scientific. This study is based on cross-dialect comparison. Most cases in this paper are discussed in a quite straightforward manner; we need only to com- pare two closely related dialects to ascertain which form serves as the conditioning factor and which form has undergone the conditioned change. But there are also cases where we are required to reinterpret the previously reconstructed forms or to do triangulation on our own before we proceed. Reinterpretation is needed in cases where dialects show no sign of distinction for the different categories in ancient texts. An example of this is to be found in *ang and *ang, which have merged as a single category in most modern Chinese dialects, north and south. In order to facilitate the procedure, I have treated them as simply one final: ? (following Lu Zhiwei's view of a being equal to an open o). Likewise, Karlgren's -? which occurs mainly in third division finals (excepting one occurrence in second division final) can be viewed as a variant to his a (with a back vowel quality of some sort, that is, o~ ). Triangulation is put into practice when cases arise indicating that a bipartite development is involved. One example of this is found in the Middle Chinese Yin rhyme (*j?n), from which derived the various forms in the over- whelming majority of Chinese dialects. In striking contrast are the Hakka and Min dialects which appear to be quite different. As a first approximation of what might have happened in Chinese historical phonology, the triangulation is applied as shown in the following configuration: (take 欣 for example) Viewed in this way, the bizarre form of Amoy can be explained in terms of conditioned change. There are many other parallel incidents that give credence to the theory of bipartite development in Chinese historical phonology. A perfect or near perfect parallelism is to be found in Western Europe, com- pare the above configuration with diagrams involving proto-Latin as well as Proto-Germanic. The past two decades have seen an ever-increasing amount of Chinese dialect material come to light, and yet more can be expected to come. Based on hard facts gathered across China, one can pinpoint exactly what rules put forth in the past have a solid footing as opposed to those which are merely circumstantial. Instead of recapitulating what has been said in the paper, I have deliberately chosen to concentrate on my working principles in this summary. This is because I am of the opinion that in the study of conditioned change, we are often faced with the problem of setting a starting point, and without the guidelines sketched above, the great treasure of Chinese dialect material would in many respects remain inaccessible. |
本系統中英文摘要資訊取自各篇刊載內容。